In a previous series of articles I
argued that the 'lost cause of the 1960s' which was held by activists,
academics and indeed many in Hollywood have obscured the reality of what
actually was going on during that decade and the reverberations felt in every
aspect of American politics ever since.
Prior to the 1960s every major
cause of reform in American history, from the abolition of slavery to the
Progressive era to women's suffrage all the way to the civil rights movement
had been hindered because of the divide between those wanted to work within the
system to bring about change and those who thought doing so would damage their
ideological purity and chose to demonstrate from without. Much of the causes of
reform in our history were hindered as much by that divide as the
powers-that-be working against it. Primarily due to the Vietnam War by the end
of the decade the political side had completely been overrun by the activist
side who now believed the only way to bring about change was through
demonstrations, performances and violence if necessary.
How this was supposed to win over
the government and the people who were 'sheep' standing in the way of this
oppression is something that those activists never seemed to have considered at
the time or even retroactively. In their mind America failed, not them. As we
shall see in the next article much of the conservative movement rose in
California itself as a backlash to what was being seen on the college campuses
and neighborhoods of the state.
Given how much of activists like
the Chicago Seven and the Black Panther Party believed far more in public
demonstrations that were supposedly to draw attention to the cause – but far
more often cause working class Americans to run to the Republican party in
increasingly large numbers – it makes a certain amount of sense that Hollywood
would be drawn in to this type of demonstration. As you would expect much of it
became prominent as it became clear that the Vietnam War was becoming a
quagmire that the President and the government had been deceiving America.
Some actors would choose more
political means to make their stands. Paul Newman, considerably older than the
activists in the streets, would publicly announce in March that he had voted
for Eugene McCarthy in the Democratic primary. (Newman was born in New
Hampshire.) While this statement would later put him on Nixon's 'Enemies List',
Newman would fundamentally serve as a political figure, working in Democratic
fundraisers and campaigning for them for the rest of his life. Later on he
would form Newman's Own to sell goods such as popcorn and salad dressing in
order to raise money for liberal causes.
Shirley MacLaine was younger and
more liberal then the Hollywood establishment and would increasingly involve
herself in Democratic politics during the 1960s and 1970s. The height of her involvement came when she
served as an unofficial adviser to George McGovern's presidential campaign in
1972. However her presence as head of the California delegation almost
certainly did more harm than good as Theodore White described it. In regards to
the 'quota system of reform' they were accused of 'overcompliance'
"They had sent to the
convention from a state where minorities make up only 27 percent of the
population a delegation 39 percent of whose delegates were minorities. The
minorities invited the best camera work: tall, high cheek-boned maidens, their
black pigtails stiff as Sitting Bull's in old monochromes, Japanese and Chinese
youngsters with their delicately sculpted faces,..Blacks were 19 percent of the
delegation. Mexican-Americans were 17 percent. Women were 42 percent. The white
males were young, dressed in open-neck floral shirts and tight-fitting pants,
middle aged white males were a decided minority. And the total of 388 delegates
and alternates, 89 were on welfare…The California delegation captured a mood
in West Coast Democratic politics, not its power structure."
Democratic politicians would later
argue that the cameras capturing this onscreen in Miami doomed the McGovern
election before he was even nominated. That the delegation didn't have many
Congressional Democrats or Mayor Sam Yorty of Los Angeles horrified viewers at
home.
MacLaine was prominent in the
campaign including discussion of the Vice Presidential candidate which led to
the disaster involving Thomas Eagleton. McGovern would rely heavily on her
during the fall campaign, one of the only women he took lessons from. The
McGovern campaign was run by mostly rich, educated white people at the
exclusion of all others. Perhaps it is not shocking that many Hollywood stars
such as Jack Nicholson actively campaigned for McGovern in California and other
states. It was as successful as the rest of McGovern's campaign as Nixon won a
landslide victory with 49 of 50 states, including California.
The clearest sign was that Nixon
won by 'only' thirteen percent of the vote over McGovern. California was
therefore ten points to the left of the nation at large. That result no doubt
foreshadowed California's leftward moment in electoral politics but considering
that Nixon had basically carried America and that it was the first of four
election cycles where Republicans would carry four hundred or more electoral
votes, understandably no one thought anything of it.
The larger consequence was that
Warren Beatty, who had campaigned with Bobby Kennedy in 1968 would become
friends with one of the high figures in McGovern's command Gary Hart. The
friendship has lasted their entire lives and Beatty would be critical in Hart's
political career going forward.
While MacLaine and Newman's
efforts came to nothing they at least worked within the political system.
The same could not be said of the most
famous Hollywood activist at the time Jane Fonda.
Much has already been written and
said about Fonda's actions during the Vietnam War and indeed much by Fonda
herself in her later years. I will not relitigate most of it here save to say
my own opinions on the subject.
Historically I think the most apt
comparison to Fonda's touring of Vietnam POW camps and being photographed with
the Viet Cong so prominent is Henry Wallace's tour of Siberia during World War
II. Both were, in the most charitable description, demonstrations of the kind of ridiculous
naivete that far left figures have made during the 20th century
towards totalitarian states. It is difficult for the impartial observer (if one
can be impartial about either figure) as to which was more foolish or damaging
to the cause of progressivism and liberalism in America.
On the surface Wallace's would
seem to be more so: he did so as Vice President of the United States while the
Soviet Union was increasingly flexing its power in Eastern Europe. Fonda was
'only' an actress. However at the time of Wallace's visit the Soviet Union was
the ally of the United States. Fonda, by contrast, was visiting a nation that
America considered an enemy combatant and was essentially doing propaganda for
them. Fonda has recanted much of what she did during that period which is all
well and good but the fact remains she acted like a privileged white person who
went to a nation where men were dying in increasing numbers as if it she were
going on a vacation.
I will admit that on the grand
scale of travesties happening both in Vietnam and at home, Fonda's behavior is
very low on my scale of horrible behavior by either the government or the
protestors. I will say that I believe the only reason Fonda had the successful
career that she did was because the bosses that controlled the studios during
Hollywood's early years were all dead and gone. Had they been run by the Louis
B Mayers or Jack Warners during the 1970s I sincerely believe Fonda would never
have worked again after her first major protest.
As it was Fonda was already a
figure of enormous controversy by the time she was a serious contender for Best
Actress for Klute at the 1972 Academy Awards. When she was awarded the
Oscar that night many were terrified about what she would say or do when she
accepted. When she did after thanking everyone who applauded. She said:
"There's a great deal to say and I'm not going to say it tonight. I would
just like to really thank you very much." You could almost hear the sigh
of relief in the theater that night.
This was particularly notable
considering what was happening in the Academy Awards ceremonies during that
decade. The 1970s would be the era in
which the Academy Awards would have the most political speeches and actions
during its entire decade, setting a
standard that while it has occasionally been approached by later speakers has
never really been since at a consistent level.
Some might think it had started
the year before when George C. Scott had famously said that he would not accept
an Oscar if he were to win for Patton. While it was framed under this
banner retroactively in truth it was more about Scott's ego than anything else.
He had already refused to accept an award when he been nominated for The
Hustler nine years earlier. And two years after winning he would star and
direct a film known as Rage and told the Academy he would accept a
nomination. By 1982 he was attending the Academy Awards for the first time in
his career and it was barely talked about.
When Fonda chose to be quiet in
1972 the Oscars might have thought they had dodged a bullet. They didn't know
the very next year they would be dealing with their most notorious moment in
Oscar history to date at the hands of Marlon Brando.
In the leadup to the 1973 Academy
Awards Marlon Brando was the out-and-out frontrunner for the Academy Award for
Best Actor in The Godfather. Brando had always been touchy about the
Oscars. He had not attended for the first three nominations he'd received for
Best Actor, but he had when he won for On The Waterfront. However he had not attended the Golden Globes
where had one and had been making noises. On the eve of the awards he broke his
silence. He wasn't attending but he would send a proxy.
Much has been made about that
night in 1973 when 'Sacheen Littlefeather' made one of the most notorious
appearance in the near century of the Oscars existence. I'd actually like to
talk about some of the other things on that night that have been overlooked.
The first was that going into
Oscar Night Littlefeather was more nervous that she let on. She would later
confess: "I felt if I got out alive, I'd be lucky." Furthermore
Brando had prepared a fifteen page speech that he wanted her to read and she
went to see the producer to ask about it in advance. The producer made it clear
she was going to get exactly 45 seconds and if she went one moment over he was
going to have someone pull her off the stage.
There's also the fact that the
reception to her statement was considerably frosty and she was greeted with far
more boos then applause at any point. The reaction in the theater spoke volumes
to what the Oscars has always felt about political statements from the moment
they became popular. In their minds, to prick the bubble of the celebratory air
with the outside world was not something they particularly liked.
Nor were the majority of the
writers and actors particularly impressed with Brando's actions in particular.
Michael Caine, who was nominated against Brando for Sleuth, was
particularly angry. He believed that if Brando truly believed in his cause he
should have had the nerve and the decency to show up on stage and say it, not
put a minority woman as a shield. Furthermore he pointed out that Brando had
made over two million dollars for his work in The Godfather and if he
cared so much "he could give some of that money to the bloody Indians
instead.'
More interesting was how the
presenters who came after Littlefeather accepted. Rock Hudson, who presented
the next award, said: "It is often eloquent to be silent." Raquel
Welch, before presenting the nominees for Best Actress said in a stage whisper:
"I hope they haven't got a cause." But Clint Eastwood before
announcing Best Picture and even then a man with very few words to waste came
up with the best line: "I don't know if I should present this award on
behalf of all the cowboys shot in John Ford westerns over the years."
Two years later there was even
more controversy though this time a star was not the cause of it. That year the
winner for Best Documentary was Hearts and Minds. Accepting Bert
Schneider conveyed greetings of friendship from the Viet Cong delegation to the
peace talks in Paris. He also read a
commentary that thanked the anti-war movement coming from the Viet Cong. Not
only was this not received well in the theater there was a back stage furor by
some of the more conservative members of the Academy that nearly became an
argument.
Bob Hope, one of the co-hosts,
told the liberal Shirley Maclaine that she wanted her to give a statement on
behalf of the Academy to read a disclaimer. She refused and screamed at him
before going out on stage. Undeterred Hope and the equally conservative John
Wayne prevailed on the Republican Frank Sinatra to do so.
Sinatra read a statement that
said: "We are not responsible for any political references made on the
program and we are sorry they had to take place this evening." MacLaine
was infuriated as was her brother. When Beatty came out to announce Best
Picture he famously said: "Thank you, Frank, you old Republican."
MacLaine, for her part said, "You said you were speaking for the Academy.
Well, I'm a member of the Academy and you didn't ask me." MacLaine would
later say: "Bob Hope is so mad at me, he's going to bomb Encino."
There was already a sense of
ugliness before the awards as Dustin Hoffman would describe the Awards as 'ugly
and grotesque' and likened the ceremony to a beauty pageant. This was not
approved of by Hope or Sinatra. Hope made a pointed joke: "If Dustin
Hoffman wins tonight, he's going to have a friend pick it up – George C.
Scott." Sinatra was more unpleasant: "Contrary to what Mr. Hoffman
thinks, this is not an obscene evening." Hoffman seems to have worked out
his issues as he got older. The next time he was nominated for Kramer Vs.
Kramer he was more than willing to show up and take as much time as
necessary to give his acceptance speech."
The most controversial moment of
politics came three years later when Vanessa Redgrave won for Best Supporting
Actress for her work in Julia. Even before that night Redgrave was already
under opposition. That same year she had produced and starred in The
Palestinian, a film which followed the activities of the PLO in Lebanon.
Multiple Jewish groups criticized it for its perceived anti-Israel slant. When
Redgrave was nominated members of the JDL burned effigies of Redgrave and
picketed the Oscar to protest against what they saw was her support for the
PLO.
As is
the tradition of the Oscars Best Supporting Actress was one of the first awards
given on Oscar Night 1978. She chose to take that moment to challenge the
structure, thanking Hollywood for:
“having
refused to be intimidated by the threat of a small bunch of Zionist hoodlums –
whose behavior is an insult to the stature of Jews all over the world and to
the great and heroic record of struggle against fascism and oppression.”
There
were gasps and boos while she spoke. Later that night, in presenting the Oscar
for screenplay Paddy Chayefsky himself called her out to tremendous applause.
In the interviews in the aftermath almost to a man everyone present excoriated
Redgrave for using her platform in that way, some using more derogatory
language then other. Alan King, who didn't attend the Oscars, actually said: “It’s a good thing I wasn’t
there. I would have gone right for the jugular.”
These
political moments were the definition of performative activism and I suppose
there could be a certain level of bravery for choosing to make these statements
in front of a conservative Hollywood audience and somewhere between 80 and 90
million viewers. But the fact remains by and large the general public was
unmoved by this and critics only thought of it as the equivalent of a streaker
running through the stage at the 1974 Oscars: something to break-up the dreary
monotony of what even by the 1970s was considered an over-scripted, bloated
event. None of this did anything to make
a change for any of the causes that these people were advocating for, they were
just drawing attention to it. The rest
of America was unmoved and Hollywood basically shrugged it off.
Even
Brando's big statement became fodder for Oscar jokes during that decade. When
Jason Robards didn't show up to pick up his second Oscar for Julia Hope said:
"He's playing cards with George C. Scott and Marlon Brando." Two
years later when Alan Splet won an Oscar for Sound Design for The Black
Stallion Johnny Carson, already becoming a brilliant host said, "It
never fails. First George C. Scott, then Marlon Brando, then Alan Splet."
Perhaps
the real reason that no one cared what Hollywood had to say on this issue was
because of something critical: during the 1970s the film industry was the only
one in America that was enjoying financial health. The rest of America was in
the midst of some of the worst economic times since the Great Depression with
stagflation, recession and multiple oil embargoes causing America to undergo
hard times. And it would be the major
reason for a former actor to rise to political prominence during this same period.
In
the next article I will look at the rise of Ronald Reagan in California
politics and how Hollywood took him no more seriously then the increasingly
left-leaning parts of the Democratic Party,
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