Even before
the 2016 election, I had been hearing a variation on the same argument over and
over from pundits, historians and supposedly educated people.
The argument
was that for a long time Americans had chosen their leaders through logical
reasoned debate on issues and political context. Then at some point, the type
of Presidential candidate Americans got began to meet a much lower standard,
one of performance more than qualifications. There’s no consensus as to when
this happened exactly: some argued it started with Obama, some traced it back to
Reagan, some argued in came with the rise of television for reducing complex
arguments to sound bites or the rise of selecting Presidential candidates in
primary campaigns. But it’s a truth now agreed upon by all of these talking
heads that in the past the voters made informed decisions and didn’t let such
things as celebrity guide them.
It's a nice
story. It’s also a complete falsehood and one that even a casual student of American
history should know well enough then to argue as the truth.
The reality
is, since the start of the election of our Presidents by direct vote and
arguably since the founding of the republic, the men who have served as
President more often then not been far more well known to the public even
before they were sworn in as President. The critical difference is that was the
nation had a different definition of what a celebrity was, particularly
what made you a national name.
That
definition was military service. Very early in our nation’s history, there was
a direct correlation between fame in battle being a qualification for the White
House. As we increasingly developed a two-party system no matter how much the
parties changed in the first century of direct elections, both parties came to
realize that most voters equating prowess on the battlefield as the qualities
that would make great leadership. Frequently in the nineteenth century, when
this mindset was at its peak, this would turn out to be a false equivalence for
our country but both parties would increasingly lean on this because it would
lead to electoral success and they would worry about governing after the fact.
As celebrity
has increasingly taken a hold in our electoral system at practically every
level, it’s worth looking at how the United States decided that our leadership
at the executive level was frequently tied to those who had held positions at
the highest military level. From this we frequently get the conclusion that the
best political leaders should have little, if no political experience, and no
matter how many times we are proven wrong by history, it seems this is a lesson we are unable to
unlearn. So this series will take a look at why we decided the military would
frequently be are best choices for the Presidency, when America was right with
its choices and when it was wrong, and why we seem to have abandoned it. And we
might as well start at the very beginning.
It’s generally
known that George Washington was reluctant to serve as our nation’s first President.
After leading America through the Revolution and presiding over the
Constitutional Convention, he had wanted to go back to a quiet life in Mount
Vernon. But America had other plans.
Despite the
fact that he was chosen unanimously by the first ever electoral college, there
were many who thought it might not be the best idea for a military man to be
our first President. Some wanted Benjamin Franklin to be the first leader, and
some had wanted John Adams. But the reason Washington was chosen was in part due
to his national fame as well as the fact that he did not have the political baggage
that men such as Adams and Franklin did.
Washington had
been reluctant to serve but he took on the mantle of Cincinnatus, the legendary
Roman who was a citizen soldier. He was twice granted supreme power but he didn’t
hold it a day longer than absolutely necessary, constantly demonstrating great
honor and integrity. Like the majority of the Founding Fathers Washington had
studied the Romans and the Greeks and held it high-esteem. Washington had done
so when he had relinquished control of the Continental Army and he would refuse
to use his power to establish a monarchy or assume the powers of a king. This
was exactly what our country, which already had one failed form of government
behind it, needed to begin when it got started.
Washington
went out of his way to form a cabinet with the most qualified people at the
helm. Thomas Jefferson was his secretary of state, Hamilton his secretary of
Treasury. The two men had been arch-rivals for a long time, putting them in the
cabinet was a stroke of brilliance. Henry Knox served as his secretary of War
and Edmund Randolph was his Attorney General. When Jefferson left as his
position, Randolph took over as Secretary of State.
He also had to
take the job of essentially forming the Supreme Court from scratch. John Jay,
the first Chief Justice, was one of his best choses as was John Rutledge.
Rutledge briefly succeeded Jay before he was replaced by Oliver Ellsworth in
March of 1796.
Washington is
considered one of the three greatest Presidents in history but he almost always
is ranked behind Lincoln or FDR when it comes to being considered the greatest.
Perhaps it is due to the fact that being first we give him less credit than his
successor and maybe its because compared to all his manifold other
accomplishments, calling him the greatest President might be a bit much. But he
managed superb leadership at the founding of our republic and though he could
have gotten a third term, like Cincinnatus he chose to return to Mount Vernon
and let the first real Presidential election proceed in 1796. He believed
neither in political parties – he only took on the label of Federalist because
John Adams was – and famously warned about foreign entanglements in his farewell
address. Both were noble ideas even if neither was likely to be sustainable.
Most historians
don’t want to consider Washington – nor indeed the Founding Fathers themselves –
as celebrities, no doubt because they believe it would diminish them in their
eyes. But the fact remains that not only he but most of those who served in the
Continental Congress, the Constitutional Convention and indeed the first five
Presidents of the United states were the dictionary-definition of it. They were
known throughout the known world for what they had achieved and who they had achieved
it against. And I think it’s worth reminded those on the left as well other the
minorities just what men like Washington were risking when so many of them,
particularly minorities, dismiss them as ‘racist white men’.
To be clear,
most of these scholars dismiss everybody in the West – Britain, France, every
country except Russia – under the labels of colonialism and imperialism. That’s
true. Then they tend to frequently disdain America as being a product of
imperialism and falling under the racist, genocidal tropes of these Western
nations. That’s also true. However, the question I have for those same leftists
is would they have preferred the alternative when they denounce America as not a
real democracy. Would they prefer to still be under the yoke of the British,
who they will never waste an opportunity to call an imperialist nation? Would
they prefer to still be singing ‘God Save The King’ and saluting the Union
Jack?
This is the
thing about those ‘racist white men’ that I think the left loves to ignore: the
bravery it took for them to make their stand. Yes the soldiers were all doing
the fighting for them, but let’s not kid ourselves. If the revolt had failed,
the British would not have treated these revolutionaries kindly. We know this
from how the Empire reacted to this both before and after the American Revolution
to nations that tried to revolt and failed. When Ben Franklin said, “We must
all hang together or we will all hang separately,” he wasn’t being rhetorical.
He and every member of the Continental Congress who signed the Declaration of
Independence were committing treason in the eyes of a ruling nation. They would
have all been made examples of by the Crown and they would not have died
swiftly or painlessly. When Patrick Henry said: “Give me liberty or give me
death,” he knew far too well both options were equally possible.
This applied
to Washington as well. If he had been captured by the British at any point
during the battles he led, there is a good chance he would have been executed
or at the very least, sent back to Britain to face a lifetime of imprisonment. Many
of these men were indeed rich and plantation owners. If Jefferson or Madison
had been imprisoned, the crown would have taken over their plantations and I
assure you, the treatment of the slaves would not have improved and they sure
as hell wouldn’t have been set free.
The same is
true when Washington and the delegates at the Constitutional Convention tried
to work out a government for the New Republic. The previous version, the
Articles of Confederation, had ended in disaster and they knew if they failed
again, this young country might die before it was born. So for five long, hot
months they spent debated, compromising, yelling at each other, and indeed
quite a few of them walked out altogether before they produced the Constitution.
To this day, millions of Americans regard it and the people who helped create with
contempt, primarily because it didn’t take into account what seemed obvious to those
who have the fortunate benefit of more than two centuries of hindsight.
Well, the
founders knew that when they were doing it. The
opening phrase of the Preamble includes the words: “in order to form a more
perfect Union.” They’re not saying that they got it right the first time,
that it’s perfect now, or perfection is even possible. All they were trying to
do was do a better job than they had previously done, by themselves or everyone
who had come before them. They did this, for the record, with no discernable
road map for a democracy: there wasn’t a clear example of what before and many
of them made several debates during the convention as to what to try to do just
to get this far – many of which looked like it might cause the Convention to
dissolve
Yes they did
so in a time of slavery, with no acknowledgement of rights for women or
acknowledgement of other minorities. They also had no idea the railroad, the telegraph
or the electric light was going to become part of our society. They weren’t
Gods the way the right sees them, or racist thugs the way the left sees them.
They were ordinary men doing the best they could with what they had at the
time.
And its worth
noting they were all infinitely more educated than so many of those who run for
political office even a century later. They had studied Latin and Greek; men
like Jefferson were architects and mathematical prodigies, Washington had been
a surveyor. I mention this because not merely Washington but the first five
Presidents – all of whom fall under the heading of Founding Fathers – were all
so overqualified for their positions its practically insane.
Washington had
served as general of the Continental Army and presided over the Constitutional
Convention. Adams and Jefferson had played critical roles in the creation of
the Declaration of Independence and had key roles in the diplomatic corps;
Adams had been Envoy to France, Minister to Britain and the Netherlands before
returning to America. Jefferson had been governor of Virginia and Minister to
France before becoming Secretary of State. James Madison essentially wrote the
Constitution, used the Federalist Papers to defend it and helped create the
Bill of Rights. He’d served under Washington as part of the Virginia Militia,
was a Congressmen in the first House of Representatives and Jefferson’s Secretary
of State. James Monroe’s wasn’t quite there at the start, but he had a
remarkable resume: one of the first Senators from Virginia, Minister to France
and Britain, Secretary of War and Secretary of State under Madison.
For that
matter most of the men who ran in the first elections for the Presidency were similarly
more than qualified. Charles Pinckney, who Jefferson defeated when he ran for
reelection and Madison’s first term., had signed the Constitution, served in
the Senate for two terms for South Carolina and was Jefferson’s Minister to
Spain. Madison defeated DeWitt Clinton for reelection in 1812, who from 1802 to
1828 held every conceivable elected office for the state of New York. Rufus
King who Monroe trounced when he won the Presidency in 1817 signed the Constitution,
served as minister to the U.K. and Senator from Massachusetts.
None of these
men, it should be admitted, ran for President in the sense that would be true
by the middle of the century or even with the force of a two-party system. The Federalist
Party was in decline by the end of Jefferson’s term and by the time of Monroe’s
election it was dead. But they were all more than competent leaders and figures
in the electoral process. As America moved more into a direct democracy system at
the end of the Era of Good Feelings, it was unlikely this peace would have
lasted – there were other problems, including the slavery question that were
becoming a national issue. And bringing the right of suffrage to the many was something
that needed to be done for democracy to truly flourish.
Unfortunately
when it occurred in the first Presidential election in 1824, it was done in the
name of a man who was by far the most unqualified Presidential candidate to
that point in history and whose temperament and rabid populist following would
lead to the balance of separation of powers beginning to tilt far more in favor
of the executive branch. And it did so in the name of a military figure whose
national reputation was built on a shaky foundation.
In the next
article in the series I will deal with the rise of Andrew Jackson, and how the
man who brought about Jacksonian Democracy himself had little use for the term
as it traditionally existed.
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