One of the most famous
lines in political history came in the 1988 Vice Presidential debate when Lloyd
Bentsen, Michael Dukakis’s running mate told Dan Quayle: “I knew Jack Kennedy.
I worked with Jack Kennedy. Jack Kennedy was a friend of mine. Senator, you are
no Jack Kennedy.”
It was a line that Quayle
would never live down. However he was able to joke about it and perhaps the
most memorable occasion came at the publication of Jules Witcover and Jack
Germond’s book covering the campaign just passed was published. By that point
Witcover had begun to take up the mantle Theodore White had with his Making
of the President series. Quayle took the opportunity to point this out: “I
knew Ted White. I worked with Ted White. And you guys are no Ted White.”
Having read as much of
Witcover’s books in my life I can safely say that Quayle’s bon mot about
Witcover was as accurate as the one Bentsen made about him. But this is not a
mere case of the fact that anyone who tried to take up the mantle of Theodore
White, who I wrote about in a book review last December, could do anything but
compare unfavorably too. Having reread several of Witcover’s books recently I
come to realize there is a subtle undertone that Witcover himself was most
likely unaware of.
When Spiro Agnew famously
referred to the media as ‘nattering nabobs of negativism’ it was written off by
many as a purely partisan attack from the Nixon White House. In truth Agnew was
dead on though he was clearly wrong about reporters purely showing a biased
view towards his boss. Having read a lot of political journalism over my life I
can tell you with certain that many of them very clearly hate all politicians
equally. By extension they often show a similar contempt – if not outright
hatred – for the political process at every level, including the voters
themselves.
This is a theme that dates
back nearly to the dawn of the republic but it became increasingly venomous in
the 2oth century. Some of the most famous journalists of all time, such as
Heywood Broun and Westbrook Pegler held a visceral contempt for the Roosevelt
administration and much of the political structure. H.L. Mencken took a step
further, frequently criticizing the public’s intellect, taking a dim view of
the progressive era and an increasingly racist attitude in his final years.
Witcover was an heir to their style of writing and it is clearly evident in
every book of his I’ve read.
I’ve come to think that
the political journalists, certainly reporters in the style of Witcover don’t
have so much a liberal bias but a reporter’s bias. This is to be expected: the
journalist’s agenda is always different from that of the politician by
necessity. The difference in Witcover’s work is the timing of them. Written
primarily in the 1970s in the aftermath of the Nixon administration the
political media took a much harder look at politicians then they ever had
before. This is understandable: like the
rest of America they had been manipulated by Nixon and his people for six years
and it must have affected them harshly. And after the immense abuses of power
they decided to hold politicians to a higher standard in order to safeguard
democracy.
That’s the narrative
they’ll tell you but they’re writers. In truth writers like Witcover, who were
cynical and judgmental of all things political by nature, found something that
proved to the public - in their minds –
that their cynicism and contempt for politicians was warranted. And as a result
in the post-Watergate era the standard they held politicians and democracy,
already very high, to an even higher one and they were far from subtle in their
contempt. I find this present in so many contemporary political books of the
time but I’m going to use Witcover as my example because I’ve extensively read
his work. He wrote many books on politics but I’m going to focus on two for
this article: 85 Days, his story of his experience traveling with Robert
F. Kennedy on his campaign for the Democratic nomination in 1968 and Marathon,
his book on the 1976 Presidential campaign which, not coincidentally, was
the first post-Watergate Presidential election cycle.
85 Days was Witcover’s first book.
He was far from a neophyte journalist; he’d been working since 1954 and has
been in DC by the time he was assigned to cover Robert F. Kennedy’s
presidential campaign from the moment it began until its horrific end.
Reportedly he was steps away from where Kennedy was shot in the Ambassador Hotel
which has to have been a life-changing as well as traumatic event. I have
little doubt he sold and managed to get this book published for that reason and
he revisited it 20 years later. He visited the subject again in 1997 in The
Year the Dream Died: Revisiting 1968 in America.
I don’t want to diminish
the power of Kennedy’s assassination on America at the time, certainly not to a
man who essentially witnessed it. It sent shock waves through the country and
the world. But as I’ve written in several previous articles including one about
Kennedy himself, Robert Kennedy’s assassination, much like his brother’s five
years earlier has cemented a place in the mythos of American history that has
never been able to be shot down regardless of reality. And while it is
understandable that the average person who lived through it would believe this
mythos a journalist meant to look at facts objectively is supposed to know
better.
Indeed, as I mentioned in
my article about White even though he was aware of both the national trauma and
tragedy in his 1968 chronicle
(which was no doubt written at the same time Witcover was writing his
book) has a much clearer sense of it that either Witcover or indeed the
historical record has argued. White noted that there was no guarantee Kennedy
would have won the New York primary a few days later, that he thinks it highly
unlikely Kennedy would have been able to defeat Humphrey for the nomination at
Chicago, or even that if Kennedy had managed both that he would have defeated
Nixon, He also speculates that this leaves out what the Republicans might have
done and that they might have chosen to nominate Reagan or Nelson Rockefeller
instead of Nixon. This is objective journalism and a lucid perception of
events.
There is no evidence,
certainly not in the version of 85 Days I read (the later edition) that
this is even a consideration to Witcover decades after the fact. The fact is
Witcover was so blinded by the tragedy and his closeness to it that he remains
incapable of realizing many things, not the least of which is the critical
difference between White’s book and Witcover. White’s book is objective.
Witcover’s can’t remotely be considered such.
Some might not say that’s
a fair comparison and that may be true at the time Witcover first wrote 85
Days. (It’s more of an issue he seems locked on to that idea decades after
the fact but I’ll let that pass for now.) And I’ll acknowledge that Witcover’s
book might be worth being considering seriously as a memoir rather than a
historical archive. But even by that standard, it’s ridiculously biased towards
all things Robert Kennedy and I don’t know if to this day (Witcover is still
alive as of this writing) he ever realized just how much manipulation by the
man he was covering was in play.
I’ve argued that JFK’s
greatest accomplishment as a President was not so much legislation or policy
but how well he performed on camera. JFK was a personal friend with so many
reporters – Ben Bradlee of the Washington Post was considered ‘a stooge
for Jack Kennedy’ – and none of them seem to have noticed even decades after
the fact how much they had been manipulated by his administration for a
favorable press to cover up their lies. This was true even now: despite the
revelations of the Pentagon Papers and everything we have learned about the
Kennedys attempts to assassinate Castro he has an aura that comes away clean
even from people who should know better.
Everyone argues that Bobby
grew after the death of his brother and that may be true. But his ambition and
contempt for Lyndon Johnson never went away. Bobby would have been the
front-runner as the Democratic nominee
for President in 1972 had events normally transpired which is why he
facilitated so long when Lowenstein looked for someone to challenge LBJ in New
Hampshire. He might have wanted not to be this all about him; he might also not
have wanted to destroy those choices. So McCarthy became the conscience
candidate – and when he nearly beat LBJ in New Hampshire everything changed.
McCarthy was named Time’s Man of the Year and there’s a clear argument for it:
his movement represented everything that followed. Left out of Witcover’s book
is a quote from a McCarthy supporter: “After New Hampshire, it was like
Christmas morning. And when Bobby got in a few days later, it was like someone
stole all our presents.”
Witcover doesn’t deal much
with the McCarthy campaign in regard to Kennedy’s primary run and when he does,
like so many Kennedy acolytes he does so with disdain viewing him as an elitist
snob. That description isn’t inaccurate but it’s also the kind of thing that
would be written by. well, someone campaigning for Kennedy. And make no mistake
85 Days is essentially a love letter to everything Kennedy did during
that campaign.
If you believe Witcover’s
writing Bobby’s campaign was three months of incredible joy and fun with some
politics thrown in. What Witcover never got is that this was no doubt by design
by Bobby Kennedy. He knew what his reputation with the media was and he knew
the challenge he had was to win them over as much as – if not more – then the
voters. And because of that Kennedy did everything in his power to make sure
everybody on the press loved him which meant pulling the same tricks his
brother did over the years.
And it seems to have
worked to the point that not even Witcover and the other writers really realize
how much they’ve been buffaloed. There’s a critical moment where the reporters
serenade Bobby Kennedy with a satirical song called “The Hoosier Cannonball”. They
clearly make this songs up in private (I’ve seen them in other Witcover books)
but Kennedy seems to be only candidate who they chose to sing it too when they
were finished. Witcover deals a lot not
only with this song but how much Kennedy enjoyed it. To him, more than anything
else, this symbolized the Kennedy campaign more than any victory in the
Democratic primary.
And that may be the real
reason it’s impossible for me to take 85 Days seriously as a piece of
campaign journalism. I’ve read books that were written at the time and years
after the fact about the 1968 primary campaign. I’ve read them about the
campaign itself; I’ve read them from the perspective of McCarthy and Humphrey.
All of them can look at this with detachment about both the campaign and the
realities of it. Witcover’s book alone reads almost like it could have been
written by one of the people on the campaign trail the way it adds to the
picture of sainted Bobby.
I don’t deny there are
many great things about the primary campaign but I refuse to de facto believe
it ran absolutely perfectly, considering among other things the Oregon primary
ended up in a loss as well as the fact that Kennedy was never able to persuade
McCarthy to drop out no matter how many primary wins he managed. We’ll never
know if McCarthy would have done so after losing the June 6th
primary or if Bobby could have won in New York for the most tragic reasons. There’s
now become recent knowledge that even the campaign knew that one way or another
the California primary was going to be the zenith of their run: they knew that
Humphrey was within maybe two days of clinching the delegates needed to win. In
a sick way Bobby Kennedy was assassinated at exactly the right time for his campaign:
before he actually managed to face a struggle at the convention he was almost
certain to lose if for no other reason then the fact that LBJ would have moved
heaven and earth to make sure his mortal enemy never got the Presidency.
Yet Witcover, even 20
years later never seems to have reckoned with that reality. In the new edition
he adds an epilogue of a ‘plan’ the campaign had to win over all of the
delegates that were supposedly committed to Humphrey before Chicago. Even a
casual observer can see how much dreams and air its built on, and like so many
of the leftists ideals that were part and parcel of the students movement, it
is not built on the reality of the convention that was to come. The actual
events at Chicago were a nightmare with Bobby dead; I find it impossible to
believe it would be any different even if Bobby and his campaign were still
alive.
Half a century later the
left refused to let go of this dream and it’s clear that it spoiled their
appetite for any participation in politics for at least a generation. Witcover
says as much in his afterword and there’s more regret in it then any subsequent
political writing I’ve read about it over the years. And when you consider not
only how close he was to Bobby Kennedy himself along with everything else that
happened in the aftermath, his subsequent approach to political writing is
understandable. The difference is he seems to have forgotten his objectivity
when it came to Bobby but still is holding every candidate that follows to that
nostalgic standard. That’s somewhat forgivable for that cynicism to affect the
average voter. But for a journalist who is supposed to be by his nature
objective and even-handed, it’s an unforgivable sin. And that bias permeates
every single book he wrote afterwards, particularly the ones involving
presidential campaigns.
I was introduced to The
Making of the President series and Witcover’s books that followed it at
roughly the same age and by the time I had graduated college I’d read all of
White’s books at least once and three of Witcover’s on the Presidency. As references as well as snapshots of the era
they both have incredible value to the historian. But it’s clear after multiple
re-readings on my part that there is a clear difference between the two as
writers besides the changes of the eras they cover. White was born in 1914;
Witcover in 1927 but the two men were both full-time journalists during the era
White covers in his books. The clearest difference, I think, is tone.
White, as I mentioned in
my reviews of his books, managed to keep an objective lens about the candidates
and the Presidents he covered and went to great lengths to treat all of them
with complete impartiality. Whatever personal feelings he had about them or the
process itself there is little sign of bias towards them or it during the
series. The same can’t be said of Witcover’s books and its very evident in Marathon.
Witcover’s books are
superior only in length. Marathon is over 650 pages long, nearly 150
pages longer than the hardcover edition of the 1968 edition, by far the longest
of White’s four chronicles. Witcover has clearly has the same amount of access
to a much larger field of candidates than any White ever tried to cover and he
does a decent job of giving attention to even the minor candidates in the
Democratic primary. He also divides his book well, dealing extensively with the
leadup to both campaigns, the extensive primaries that took place, the slow
movement of Jimmy Carter to the Democratic nomination and the long struggle
between Ford and Reagan for the Republican one. He deals with the battles with
both conventions, more extensively the Republicans in Kansas City, the leadup
to both campaigns for the general election and everything that happened in the
fall campaign.
But the tone is different.
I don’t see so much objectivity from Witcover as indifference. For a reporter
who seems to have as much access to the candidates as White did if not more he
seems to be spending all of it concentrating on every single thing each
candidate did wrong during the campaign. This was the most extensive campaign
to date and a revolutionary one as it was the first where one candidate
competed in every single primary. I don’t blame Witcover for missing this fact;
I do blame for how he seems to consider it a burden. Not as much for the
candidates or even the public but really for him. Marathon may have been
a satiric dig on how Witcover viewed the campaign; it’s not the kind of title
White would have considered. And that cynicism shows in so many of the titles
of his subsequent books. The 1984 chronicle doesn’t even bother to hide
Witcover’s (and his co-author Jack Germond’s) feelings with it’s title: Wake
Me When It’s Over. Other titles share that similar cynicism such as 1980’s Blue
Smoke and Mirrors and 1988’s Whose Broad Stripes and Bright Stars. White
may well be reflected the mood of the electorate with these titles but reading
them they’re just as clearly a reflection of how he as a journalist viewed them
and if that’s not being a nattering
nabob of negativism I don’t know what is.
And while he acknowledges
the success of Carter’s strategy throughout the primaries (though almost always
as an afterthought) he doesn’t bother to hide his contempt for Carter himself.
This was an overall feeling that most of the Washington media held against him
not only during the campaign but was a major factor in so much of his Presidency.
Everything that Carter does to make himself appealing to voters, especially his
homespun attitude and apparent honesty, rub him the wrong way. But perhaps the
biggest factor is the way he chose, like many candidates in both parties, to
run as an outsider. Perhaps Witcover thought that this was a dig against him - a reporter is an insider of a sort - and that was a source of judgment against
him.
A recurring theme on what
he considers Carter’s fuzziness on issues. This is clearly something that sticks
in Witcover’s craw and I truly believe it shows the media’s blindness when it
comes to campaigning for office during this period. The primary campaign was
the beginning of the end of print journalism’s ability to control the narrative
about candidates the way that they’d had influence involving conventions that
were run by the bosses. Carter realized that the path for an unknown governor
of a Southern state was to ignore the people in charge – which included the
media – and go directly to the people for votes. This was particularly
effective in Iowa and New Hampshire and kept working even as he moved on to bigger
states. The press’s job, even if they don’t want to acknowledge it, is to
create stories and in the gospel according to Witcover, stories involve when a
candidate makes a mistake or says something that they can prove as such. This
is one of the critical differences between Witcover and White. White may not
agree with the process but he respects it. Witcover ends Marathon with
the conclusion the process itself is flawed and can only offer a half-hearted
argument that direct democracy and primary campaigns are good for democracy. He
might get credit for how exhausting the nation will subsequently find them but
you wonder if this is because he and his colleagues find it more exhausting.
If his problem was only with
the fact that the voters selected Carter as their standard bearer, it would be bad
enough. But while he goes through in detail every primary challenger Carter
faces - who he had as much access too
and possibly more – he doesn’t seem to be big fans of them either. This is
particularly stunning when you consider how accomplished so many of the
candidates running for the Democratic nomination were in 1976. They included two of the most revered liberal Senators of
the 20th century: Frank Church of Idaho and Birch Bayh of Indiana.
(Both would lose their seats in the 1980 election.) Bayh was one of the most
accomplished legislators in the Senate, being responsible for the foundation of
what would become the 25th amendment and was a huge supporter of the
ERA. It also features one of the great Cold War Democratic senators, Henry Jackson
of Washington. These men are among the titans of legislative history – and none
of them pass muster in Witcover’s eyes to be good candidates for President. His
sole judgment seems to be that, in his mind, they ran inadequate campaigns for
the Presidency and by that metric, they don’t deserve respect. White was capable
of showing respect even for those who failed horribly in his books, such as
John Lindsay, even if they had terrible campaigns. In Witcover’s opinion, the
only standard is that they failed to win the nomination and more importantly, he
considered the campaign lacking.
And he shows, if anything,
less support for those on the other side of the aisle. The book deals with the
aftermath of Watergate and how Gerald Ford ascended to the Presidency. It’s
clear even then that Witcover considers Ford an intellectual lightweight but he
mostly restrains himself until he pardons Nixon. Then he can’t wait to pile on
every single blunder Ford makes in the first year of his campaign. It’s telling
that he doesn’t even think that the two attempts on his life within a month –
made by Squeaky Fromme and Sara Jane Moore – deserve as much coverage in the
book as a song written about Ford by the Gridiron Club that year to the tune of
‘If I Only Had A Brain.”
But he doesn’t have any
more respect for Ronald Reagan either. If he blames Carter for being fuzzy on
issues, he blames Reagan for being too honest. Even in 1976 Reagan’s penchant
for telling stories that had no basis in reality were well known to the media
and it was already becoming something that irked them. The Ford-Reagan primary
campaign was one between the conservative and moderate wings of the party, one that
ended up setting the groundwork for the Reagan Revolution. Reagan’s remarkable
success as challenging an incumbent is just as remarkable as McCarthy’s New
Hampshire campaign eight years earlier but in Witcover’s eyes everything Reagan
succeeds at is just an example of Ford’s failures. Of course he is just as
quick to point out Reagan’s blunders on the campaign trail as well and how they
cost him primaries. Say what you will about Witcover, but when it comes to what
he considers bad campaigning, he's bipartisan in his contempt.
He shows a similar lack of
respect for many of the party elders as well. Humphrey seemed the likely frontrunner
for the nomination before the primaries began and was a threat throughout but Witcover
has no interest in him beyond that. He regards Bob Dole; Ford’s eventually pick
for Vice President as barely worthy to be dogcatcher. And his one mention of
George H.W. Bush, who Ford considered for his Vice President before picking
Nelson Rockefeller is withering: “Everyone knowledgeable in Republican politics
considered Bush incompetent to be President’. This may very well have been true
given the resistance to Bush’s campaign for the nomination four years later
among so many Republicans as well as Reagan’s resistance to picking Bush as his
running mate. But it is not the kind of thing White would have let go to print.
Indeed the only people Witcover
seems to have any respect for in Marathon are journalists like himself.
Again and again, too often really, he puts himself – or at least the media –
front and center in a White never tried to do in any of his books. The most
passion Witcover shows in Marathon is not for any candidate or the
election itself but for he and the press. They’re the heroes of this story. It’s
not their fault they spend so much time covering the mistakes the candidates make;
they’d like to be covering issues. It’s the candidates themselves that are
inadequate. They need to campaign better and then we will give them respect. We
don’t want to write about Reagan’s gaffes or how aggressive Dole is on the
campaign trail or the fact that Carter flip-flops on issues. It’s the candidate’s
responsibility not to make mistakes, not ours.
This is a feeling that
only becomes more apparent in each volume. How much of this cynicism is due to
the aftermath of Vietnam and Watergate I can’t tell but no matter how far
Witcover subsequently gets from them both, it’s clear the scars never clearly
healed for him. It’s almost as if he thinks every candidate who runs for office
or even considers has to potential to be worse than Nixon and must be judged as
harshly, if not more so. This attitude became more apparent in journalism in
the post-Watergate era and it frequently led, as I read in a different book,
for every reporter to consider a blunder on the campaign trail the next
Watergate. Joe Biden’s not attributing a quote to Neil Kinnock in the leadup to
the 1988 Presidential campaign was the epitome of ridiculousness and it led to
him having to withdraw from the race. But even as the media judged it as absurd
(Witcover covers it himself in his book of 1988) they never consider if they’ve
overcorrected.
There’s also the fact that
voter turnout began to drop precipitously during the 1970s and continued until
the 21st century. When White writes about it – and when he did it
was still much higher than it was during Witcover’s era - he considers something to judge with
melancholy. When Witcover reports the same statistic at the end of Marathon it’s
proof that the public was as indifferent to it as he apparently is.
And this brings me to my final
point. White never revealed his political affiliation in any of his books or
even who he voted for. In the afterword of 85 Days Witcover doesn’t
quite do that but when he rights of the subsequent failures of the Democrats in
the 20 years after Kennedy’s assassination and how they essentially have
abandoned the principals in the campaign, he all but spells it out. Much of this
may very well be because of the impact Kennedy’s death had on him but anyone
who read it could clearly get the idea of liberal bias’ from the mainstream media.
Perhaps that’s the other
reason that Witcover wrote the way he did. It wasn’t just that he thought every
candidate running for President could be the next Richard Nixon; he thought
that the only candidates who should be President was the next Bobby Kennedy.
Maybe there is too much amateur psychology on my part but it would explain a
lot about the tone not only of Marathon but every book Witcover wrote
about the campaign cycle attitude. In his mind he was looking at every
candidate and saying to himself: “I knew Bobby Kennedy. I covered Bobby
Kennedy. And you sir are no Bobby Kennedy.” None of the other candidates running for
office ever compared themselves to him or tried to be Bobby but that opinion seems
to permeate everything that he writes. And as Dan Quayle put when Bentsen used
that line, for a journalist who was trying to be objective, that was completely uncalled for.
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