I have mentioned numerous
times in several of my columns how galled I am when columnists on the internet
make specious remarks about how certain historical decisions from deep in the past
were the wrong ones because they did not take into account society today. I
find it just as annoying when the media – as well as a few historians – make that
same argument on national television. Such was the case following Donald Trump
becoming the first President to be indicted on criminal charges on Thursday.
More than a few historians
were called to comment on previous Presidents whose behavior had been above the
law. (The questioning was selective then as I’ll make clear below.) Invariably the
talk came back to Richard Nixon receiving a full pardon for Watergate by Gerald
Ford has essentially laid the groundwork
for the behavior of Trump’s behavior in the White House. Some said that Nixon
not being punished encouraged Trump to behave the way he did, some argue that
it laid the groundwork for future abuses of power ever since.
The irony of history is
not lost on me, though clearly it is lost on the media. When Ford initially
pardoned Nixon, the backlash was immediate and it was one of the contributing
factors that would eventually cause him to lost to Jimmy Carter when he ran for
election to the Presidency in his own right two years later. About a decade
after the fact, the public reversed course said that it was the right
decision for a nation that needed to heal over two years of Watergate and move
forward. Now, in the wake of Trump’s presidency, the tide has shifted again.
Leaving aside the fact
that no person, not even the President can see beyond the immediate effects of
their actions, I fundamentally think all of this is a fundamentally wasted
discussion. Because like all those I loathe, it ignores the realities of the
past for the future and the present. In order to justify a decision that really
does need to, I’m going to discuss in some detail the factors around Ford’s
decision to pardon Richard Nixon, why it was absolutely the right decision for
the country, and why regardless of what the media thinks, it would not have
made a different for the abuses of the executive branch that followed for the
next half century.
First, let’s start with
the obvious: Presidents had been bending, if not outright breaking the powers
of the executive branch pretty much since the founding of the Republic. Andrew
Jackson was considered pretty close to a tyrant by the Senate because of how he
chose to the run the country, Lincoln’s disregard for so many aspects of checks
and balances are ignored because he was in the midst of a Civil War (and the
fact that his assassination more or less made him a saint) Woodrow Wilson was
responsible for similar conditions during America’s involvement during World
War I (including the imprisonment of over 5,000 German Americans for the
duration) and FDR was as hated by as many as those who loved him for the New
Deal. Even his role as Commander-in-Chief included one of the most notorious abuses
of power as hundreds of thousands of Japanese were held in internment camps
with their properties being seized without any renumerations. Kennedy had no problem allowing his brother to
wiretap many in the civil rights movement and LBJ carried on with the practice.
Yes J. Edgar Hoover probably would have done it anyway, but neither President
had a real problem with it. Both Oliver Stone’s Nixon and the recent Gaslit
have the President’s Men frequently agreeing that the Kennedys and Johnson’s
crimes were as bad, if not worse, than Nixon’s. This is hypocritical, to be
sure, but there is a grain of truth in it: there was a history of abuse of
power well before Nixon took office.
Now I am not for one moment
excusing anything Richard Nixon ever did; he was a monster beyond reproach and
his abuses were utterly blatant beyond the imagining of civilized people. All
that said, you can’t forget that both Houses of Congress were heavily
Democratic through the entirety of Nixon’s term and that the Democrats had
hated Richard Nixon for a quarter of a century. They say just because you’re not paranoid
doesn’t mean they’re not out to get you, and in the case of Richard Nixon both
were correct. Nixon had his defenders among
the Republican base, well into ‘the Final Days’ and there are still people who,
to this day, believe that Nixon was framed for his crimes. Could he have survived everything that
happened, no matter how horrible, if there had been more Republicans in
Congress?
Another thing: when Nixon
won reelection with 49 of 50 states in 1972, the RNC was woefully underfunded
compared to the CRP, something many Republicans were very bitter about when
this landslide failed to put the GOP take over either house of Congress that year. Nixon won every state but
Massachusetts, but his party gained just 13 seats in the House and lost two
seats in the Senate. The conservatives
in the party had never been thrilled with Nixon and Nixon had been talking in
private about forming a completely new party made up of conservative Democrats
and liberal Republicans. (He had plans to be the last President to ever be a
Republican.) So as much we want to believe that this was about an abuse of
power so blatant it crossed a party lines, it’s worth noting neither party had
much love for Richard Nixon before and even then.
I mention this because Nixon
knew this very well and was hoping defend himself with the threat of Spiro
Agnew in the White House. Then Agnew got involved with a corruption scandal of
his own and had to resign. Nixon’s choice of Gerald Ford was done in part as
counteraction to this: Ford, while considered a nice guy, was also considered a
lightweight intellectually (LBJ had once said: “He couldn’t walk and chew gum
at the same time; another famous comment was that when he was with Michigan, he
had played football without a helmet.) Nixon was more than willing to go down with
the ship: all his actions, including the Saturday Night Massacre, prove this.
By the final months, even his own cabinet was beginning to think he had lost
touch with the reality on the ground and it wasn’t until Goldwater gave him the
famous diagnosis that there weren’t enough Republican votes against conviction
that he resigned.
Ford’s decision to issue a
blanket pardon was meant with immense hostility and overshadowed the rest of
the term. It was as much a political decision as anything else: Congress had
ground to a halt the last several months because of Watergate and it was
unlikely that it would until the issue was resolved. Furthermore, Ford and the
GOP was hoping that with ‘the Nixon issue’ out of the way, they might have a
chance to make some gains in the mid-term elections which were at the time less
than three months away. (As we all know that strategy backfired spectacularly.)
So yes, there were
political factors involved – Gerald Fold was a politician after all. He also did
believe very strongly that he had end the national nightmare that had plagued
the country for almost two years. But say for the sake of argument, he had
decided not to do so. It would have meant going against both his own political
interests and the national mood, but that’s not what the historians preaching
today care about now. Let’s say he decided to not pardon Nixon. What would have
happened next?
Start with the obvious:
who would have tried him? Yes, Congress had set out four counts of impeachment
but those were only for the Senate to try him while he was President. Nixon had
resigned. There was no precedent for trying a former president for any
criminal offenses. Who would have had jurisdiction?
The Senate technically
would have had it, but I’m relatively certain that nobody in Congress would
have wanted to go forward with it after he resigned. The whole purpose of
impeachment was to get Nixon out of office. He was now gone. The whole argument
for trying Donald Trump after January 6th was to prevent from running
for President again. Nixon was already in his final term, and not even he would
have considered trying to break the rules in this regard.
The Justice Department
would have had jurisdiction to
investigate him and make recommendations to the court. That would have worked
for the conspiracy charges, but what about the bombing of Cambodia which was
the fourth count of the indictment? This was a can of worms no one would have
wanted open, not the least Henry Kissinger who was still part of the
Administration and certainly not Gerald Ford. It would have been bad enough to have
the President in the dock at the Senate; would anyone have wanted him standing trial
at the Hague? The nation had just gotten out of Vietnam, the last thing anyone
wanted to do was revisit another foreign policy travesty.
Then there are the tapes.
One of the reasons Nixon’s resignation was that he would never have to make his
private recordings public. (For good reason, we’ve heard a lot of what’s on
them.) Nixon would have availed himself of every pre-trial motion imaginable to
make sure those tapes never got admitted to evidence. The proceedings would
have no doubt dragged on at least six to seven months before we ever got inside
a courtroom.
Then there’s the problem
of witnesses. Most of the ones they’d have to call would have testified before
Congress already and many of them were already in prison because they’d refused
too. I have little doubt Nixon would have been more than willing to use the
concept of executive privilege as a way to keep every single witness the
prosecution could call from testifying – another several weeks, if not months
of delay – and how many of them would be willing to testify against Nixon in exchange
for lesser sentences? I can imagine how thrilled so many of the public would be
that men like Haldeman, Charles Colson and John Ehrlichman walking free to talk
against their boss in court for crimes they’d help commit.
And this gets to the final
point: How in the 1970s could you find a jury that could be purely impartial? No
one in America for the past twenty years could claim to be utterly neutral
about Richard Nixon. He’d gotten more than 60 percent of the popular vote two
years earlier, and his approval ratings might have been between thirty and
thirty-five percent by 1974, but that’s still 3 out of ten. Everyone says now that it was a mistake for Nixon
to have been pardoned. Does anyone honestly think that a trial that might very
well end in an acquittal would have been any better for the country? The one
thing everyone seemed to take away from Watergate was that it was an example of
‘the system working’. Would they have had the same thought if all of this
national nightmare had kept going on and the end was Richard Nixon walking
outside the courtroom a free man? It’s not like controversial trials have ever
changed people’s opinions of the defendants; O.J. got acquitted, remember.
And for those pundits who
think that a trial for Nixon would have scared off future Presidents from abusing
executive power; remember that Gerald Ford’s chief of staff when he became
President was a man named Richard Cheney. The same Richard Cheney who was becoming
enamored of the grand unit of limiting all power to the executive branch with
no checks or balance. The same theory that had been giving the blessing of
legal scholars such as Antonin Scalia and future Attorney General Bob Barr. (By
the way, those people who think Donald Trump would have learned a lesson from
Nixon going to prison….they have been covering Trump all this time, right?)
The 1970s had already been
a horrific decade when Ford took office in 1974, and they were going to get
even rougher after he did: inflation and stagflation, oil embargoes, the battle
over the ERA, the rise of the conservative movement, crisis in Russia and the
Middle East. What good would it have done America had in addition to all they
had to deal with the continuing distraction of the trial of a former President
that they just wanted to put in the rear view mirror when there was nothing to
be gained and everything to be lost?
Gerald Ford made the kind
of bold decision that we hope our Presidents are capable of: the decision to
put country over party in the name of the national interest regardless of the
political or personal cost to themselves. It was the right call in 1974 and it
is the right call half a century. Future
Presidents may merely have learned how to bend the rules without suffering
anywhere near the consequences Nixon did. But you can’t blame that on Ford
either, nor the fact that so many people took the wrong lessons away from
Watergate. Donald Trump made his own
bed. You can’t blame Ford for that, no matter how much you want too.
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