In the last decade the question
one hears about so much political discourse, particularly from the left as well
as Democrats (not always the same thing) was simple: "How did American
politics get to the point to let Trump become President?"
Having spent enough time among
progressive newsletters, websites and blogs like this one: I've essentially
gotten about a hundred variations of the same answer: the right did it. The
narrative, if it is coherent, argues that ever since the 1970s, Republicans
backed by the corporate oligarchs, the religious right and various white
supremacists, have worked to undermine the many safeguards America put in place
after Watergate. The laundry list is always the same: think tanks like the
Heritage Foundation and the Federalist society, the repeal of the Fairness
Doctrine, certain Republican villains (Reagan, Gingrich and McConnell are the
most common names) spent years setting up a system to subvert all three
branches of government, create cable news networks that indoctrinated the naïve
followers and have subverted the system of checks and balances by using the
electoral college and the power of small states to subvert the will of the
overwhelming liberal and progressive majority of the country to lead our nation
to the state that Trump was just a symptom of all this and didn't cause
anything that wasn't already there.
It's a persuasive argument for
quite a few reasons. The historical record bares out that all of these things
actually happened in our society and by doing so it completely absolves the
left's role in any of it at every level: from their protesting during the
leadup to the 1968 convention that caused just enough of a shift in the vote to
swing the election to Nixon to the increasing withdrawal of the left from
politics more or less after the McGovern debacle to the constant equating there
is no difference between the two parties, leading many people to vote for Nader
in 2000 ensuring that W won.
I've recently been looking at a
series of articles written by staff members of The Atlantic over the past
several years. The Atlantic is a liberal magazine but has mostly
remained objective even as that very idea has been argued as something all good
institutions should throw away after the rise of Trump. One such article was
written by Jonathan Rauch in July/August of 2016 in which he asked the same
question we've all been asking: "What's Ailing American Politics?"
In this article he argues that
many of those very reforms and safeguards American institutions have put in
place in the half century prior to 2016 were collectively responsible for the
situation we find ourselves in today. If nothing else this is a novel approach,
arguing that the way we tried to fix the system has in many ways done
much to break it. The third and most pertinent reason I'm inclined to listen to
Rauch is that "Back in the 1970s, as a teenager in the post-Watergate era,
I was on their side." That he is
willing to look back and admit he might have been misguided is enough for me to
take him seriously. Even before Trump arrived on the scene both sides of the
political spectrum had more than doubled down on the idea of never admitting
you were wrong in any argument, no matter the circumstances.
And it is worth noting that so
many of these reforms that have taken place over the years had bipartisan
support at least initially and were all part of the body politics so long that
changed them seems unthinkable. This doesn't mean Rauch is correct in all of
his assumptions: indeed I disagree with him on a couple of them. But as we will
have to navigate a post-Trump world – and unlike so many of my colleagues, I do
believe that is on the horizon – we need to at least seriously consider how we
got there so we can figure out if there is a way to fix them,
So in this article I will briefly
look at Rauch's five central arguments and why I believe he is right or why he
is wrong. Each of them are long enough to take up separate articles and indeed
I may deal with them all in more detail. But for now, let's look at the basics
Reformation of the nomination
process for all candidates running for office.
This argument was actually very
much en vogue during Obama's first term, particularly when it came to the
Presidency. Rauch's argument involves how party leaders had ways to influence
nominations and vet candidates not just for the White House but for all
Congressional offices. He also makes the convincing argument about how voter
turnout in primaries across the board is always low in both parties: usually
between 15 and 20 percent at the most.
He also argues that 'party
leaders of your did a better job of getting qualified mainstream candidates to
challenge incumbents.' This is a straw man argument, as it's difficult to
believe one could find someone as unqualified to run for Congress as Marjorie
Taylor Greene for Republicans or Alexandria Ocasio-Cotez for Democrats.
Basically all of these arguments
are a call-back to the so-called smoke-filled room when party bosses could make
choices for who ran for office without anybody else making up their mind. The
problem is this logic doesn't hold water when you consider that at no point in
the selection process were the voters allowed to have influence. The party
bosses chose who ran for every office and then they got the voters excited
about them. Furthermore well into the 1940s, these races were sown up by
machines who we're more than willing to use these elected officials to control
politics at every level. It was the same corruption as we see today, it was
just exclusively for white men. (I'll be dealing with that again later on.)
Rauch even acknowledges as much
when he says that Prescott Bush got his start in politics from one of the top
executives at Pan Am. He's not so subtly arguing that industrial executives may
have a better view of politics than the average voter which shows bias in the
worst way. He also leaves out the fact that all of these financial and
political powers didn't want the boat rocked and that meant no reforms for the
system anywhere. He also removes the issue of the implicit racial bias exacted
by the South over Democratic party nominations for over a century, blocking
even the idea of either reform or civil rights.
And as a result during this
period of power brokers from 1836 to the mid-1970s the overwhelming majority of
presidential; candidates of both parties were mediocrities at best. Lincoln,
Wilson and FDR were the exceptions to this rule; far more often we would get
Pierce, Buchanan, Grant and Harding, all chosen by the bosses and all
considered the worst Presidents in history. And those I should add were the
ones who won the White House; most of the losing candidates were no
better. Lewis Cass, James Cox and Horatio Seymour barely ranks as answer to
Jeopardy questions.
It is hard to deny, especially
after last year, that the political primary on so many levels is the worst way
to pick a candidate. But the rest of the sentence 'except for all the others'
is just as applicable when you consider the 140 plus years when the public had
no choice in the matter. Rauch says that whether the switch to direct public nominations a net
benefit or a drawback is subjective. I don't agree because any process that
allows the people, no matter how small a group, to have a voice in who their
leaders are, should always be preferable to having none. One could make a
convincing argument that for most of our country's history we were closer to an
oligarchy then a true democracy: yes the voters had choices who the vote for in
November but those choices themselves had been made by the same kinds of
powerful people that so many today demean.
As for the problem with party
purity that leads to the fear of being primaried, that is a valid concern and I
can't deny that is a problem as does the issue of gerrymandering which is
becoming just as problematic in the Democratic Party as Republican. That being
said I still reject the argument Rauch raises here. I may not be able to see a
way forward but going backward isn't the answer either.
Attempting to get dirty money out
of politics.
Rauch argues that the tightening
web of regulation for campaign finance was to reduce the idea of corruption and
special interests. But he points out the fundamental reality that you can't
eliminate money from politics. All that it did was divert the money from being
raised by the political parties and outsource it to special interest groups;
PACS, 501 C (4)S and various 527 groups. He also reminds that even after
Citizen United formerly weaponized money as speech, there were various
political machines on the left as well as the right, most notably Tom Steyer's
NextGen America. In the 2014 midterms Steyer supported Terry McCauiliffe's run
for Governor for Virginia and also supported Democrats in four Senate races and
three gubernatorial races. By the end of that year he was the single largest
donor in American politics – something I don't remember seeing in all of those
progressive newsletter that spent so much time arguing how the Koch brothers
and American Crossroads had destroyed America.
Rauch argues that because these
groups rely on purism, protest and parochialism, the outside groups are driving
towards politics towards polarization, extremism and short-term gain. And it
was clearly having an effect on the state party. Rauch quotes a mountain state
Democrat arguing that the internal conversation they'd been having is 'How do
we keep state parties alive?" A southern state Republican party director
asked the same story.
In the aftermath of 2016 the
situation has hurt the Democrats far more at a state level, particularly in
rural and southern states. The Justice Democrats have done nothing to make the
situation for state parties across the board and considering their own strict
rules on campaign contributions, they have precious little show for their own
purity and extremism and not even much short-term gain to show for it in eight
years. Yet it is from them that by far the greatest argument for campaign
finance reform comes the loudest though paradoxically their platform basically
involves as much money being spent as possible as the solution to all of
their reforms on no less than four bills that they have made part of their
platform (Medicare for All, Free College Tuition, The Raise the Wage Act and
Taxing Wall Street).
A central part of their platform is publicly
funded elections which in all the years prior to Citizen United has only
managed to make it into effect in two states since 2000. Only once in 2006
during the Arizona gubernatorial race have both candidates run this. There have
been no statewide elections in Maine where both candidate allowed this. It was
overwhelmingly defeated as a ballot initiative in Alaska in August of 2008.
And even in the two states where
it passed voters – Massachusetts in 1998 and California in 2008 – the voters
would reject it in subsequent measures when they ran up the question as how
these campaigns would be paid for. In both cases the voters of two of the most
liberal states in the nation made it clear that they didn't to publicly finance
the campaigns of elected officials.
Like Rauch I'm in agreement that
keeping money out of politics is impossible and the ideas of those who argue
for it, no matter how well intentioned, are fundamentally naïve. Money has
always been a part of politics just as it will always be a part of everything
in America. One understands why one wants to keep special interests and
corporations out of politics but ever since the Industrial revolution that's
never been a reality in America or really any democracy. Everything has a price
and that includes running for office. The Republicans accepted that reality
years ago and that's something the far left more than any other part of our
American discourse refuses to accept.
Reforming Congress, particularly
in regard to seniority determined chairmanship.
Here Rauch argues when the
post-Watergate class of Congressmen in the 1970s (he refers mostly to liberals
but Newt Gingrich, who he says accelerated the process entered the House during
the same period) destroyed the system of seniority and committee systems that
'rewarded teamwork and loyalty, that ensured people at the top were
experienced, and harnessed hundreds of middle-ranking members of Congressmen to
the task of legislating'. He points out that today Congress is 'a collection of
individual entrepreneurs and pressure groups' and correctly points out that the
balance of power is in the Freedom Caucus members 'who think nothing of wielding
power against their own leaders'. One could argue that a similar mindset now is
part of the Progressive caucus on the other side of the aisle.
I have a slightly different opinion
than Rauch on this. While I agree that the reforms have led to the world of
chaos in politics, mostly in the House but also the Senate, I've never been convinced
that the idea of seniority – which even the author admits was closer to a
fiefdom than meritocracy – was the best thing for reform as a whole. As anyone
who knows the history of 20th century politics by the era of the New
Deal, the most senior chairs of committees were primarily the conservative
southerners known then as the Dixiecrats. They raged against most of the New
Deal programs and much of FDR's legislation and were the primary obstacle for any
attempt to advance the idea of civil rights legislation until the combined
efforts of LBJ and a coalition of liberal Democrats and Republicans managed to
overcome to pass the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act the
following year. This may have rewarded the idea of party unity but it came at
the cost of the basic rights to African-Americans for the first half of the
twentieth century.
As for the work of Gingrich's
revolutionaries who compounded all of this, I will simply state the only odd
thing about is not that he decided to tear up the old order of Congress but
that it took as long as it did for any Republican to do so. The more I
look at the historic record of the 20th century I wonder how much of
the myth of 'the loyal opposition' comes from the liberal mindset of that era.
As we know very well Republicans by and large hated the New Deal programs, had
little use initially for international organizations and no respect for any
part of the Great Society and all the reforms of the 1960s. But because
throughout the overwhelming majority of the 20th century the Democrats
had such staggering numbers in both houses of Congress the Republicans more or
less had to limit themselves to speeches on the floors of Congress against it. Opposition
to the majority of these reforms always came far more from conservative Democrats
and it was due to the leadership of strong Democratic Presidents from FDR to
LBJ that they managed to get the reforms they wanted accomplished. The
Republicans opposed all of these reforms at an institutional level but they
were so popular with the public that they saw no benefit in campaigning against
it. Minority leaders like Bob Michel may have believed conservativism could be
preserved by working honestly with Democratic leaders. We know that throughout
the 20th century there were quite a few Republicans, from Karl Mundt
and Charlie Halleck to William Jenner and Joseph McCarthy who were just as
willing to tear the order down – and by and large the Republicans were fine
with it for political means.
So while I agree that tearing the
old order down led to the problems we face today, I'm not sure the old order
was something to be celebrated. It's the consequence of something Sam Rayburn
famously said: "Any jackass can kick down a barn, but it takes a carpenter
to build one." I agree the situation we face today is because of too many
jackasses and precious few carpenters but that doesn't mean the barn didn't
deserve to be kicked down.
Cameras in Congress, ending the
possible of closed-door negotiations for legislation.
This argument is
self-explanatory. Rauch says that because federal law, congressional rules and public
expectations have places almost all formal deliberations and most informal ones
in public view, finding space for delicate negotiations and candid deliberation
can be difficult. Of all Rauch's arguments I agree with this one
whole-heartedly and I doubt any sane person could argue the long term damage
that has been done in the name of greater transparency.
This is where the strongest argument
for the 'smoke-filled room' works for me. Congress, cable news networks and the
media-industrial complex have taken away the idea of all meaningful legislation
in the name of public theater. This was a problem well before Trump arrived on
the scene as cable news did everything in its power to pick apart any major
development in the name of a bigger story or one at all. Government when it
works well, we forget, is supposed to be dull and boring. This has always been anathema
to the media and particularly television which needs to make things exciting
when they're not. And in my lifetime whether the Presidents were Democrat or
Republican, whether the Congress were Democrat or Republican, everything became
a real-time media event. Tom Daschle would point out "The idea that
Washington would work better if there were TV cameras monitoring every
conversation gets it exactly wrong."
He's correct. The only people it
has ever worked better for are reporters, pundits and media analysts. And considering
that there's more money to be made working as one of those then serving in
elected office, its hardly shocking that years after elected officials on both
sides have become far more well-known as fixtures on television in which they can
explain the process in more detail while arguing why their former colleagues
are saying what they're saying, making it harder for things to get done. Sunlight
has hardly been a disinfectant in this case. On the contrary now everyone on Washington
only comes out at night.
Reforming pork
This last one is one I would have
confessed not being a problem before Rauch explained the reason why. As long as
I've been alive the one universal truth from Democrats and Republicans was that
pork was the worst thing possible and should be avoided at all costs. What I
didn't know – but honestly should have picked up on during my intense reading
on American history – was that it has been these very pork-barrel promises that
got so much done.
I'm not sure how else FDR and colleagues
for most of the 20th century would have been able to get their legislation
past conservative Democrats had they not been promising things for their districts,
whether it was patronage, federal bases or something to bring jobs to the
community. Rauch points out that LBJ couldn't have gotten the Civil Rights bill
through without support from minority leader Charles Halleck whose price was a
NASA research grant for his district.
But starting in the 1970s and
increasingly snowballing when the Republicans took over, the process for
appropriations broke down, due to reforms that weakened appropriations' power,
sunshine laws that reduced their autonomy and the polarization that made
negotiations possible. Ironically one of the last times extremists of both parties
ever worked together was in 2011 when 'a strange-bedfellows coalition of Tea
Partiers and progressives banned earmarking, the practice of dropping goodies
into bills as a way to attract votes – including, ironically, votes for
politically painful spending reductions.
And as a result Congressional
leaders lost one of their last remaining tools to induce fellowship and team
play. Trent Lott told CNN in 2013: "Trying to be a leader where you have
no sticks and very few carrots is dang near impossible. Members don't get
anything from you and leaders don't give anything. They don't fell like you can
reward them or punish them."
So small wonder that in recent
years so much of our government has fallen apart to the point that an entire
generation of elected officials come to Congress not in the name of serving the
public good or their party but to purely became celebrities on a national
stage.
This has been rampant in the
Republican Party, particularly in the House for the 21st century.
The equally troubling possibility is that the far left branch of the Democrats
will catch up with their Freedom Caucus counterparts. The Justice Democrats came
into existence in large part having grown up knowing only of this level of Congressional
dysfunction and believing that being an effective representative meant playing
by the rules that have been effect all their lives.
They have benefited it just as
much Gingrich's Republican revolutionaries, the Tea Partiers and all of the
Republicans who have come in age in the era of Trump have. They are purists in
the same way that the Freedom Caucus is, care less for helping their party or
their district then being known on a national stage and it has already proven
difficult for leadership to control them. Nancy Pelosi and Hakeem Jeffries were
mostly able to do so during Biden's administration but in the aftermath of last
year, it may increasingly become difficult to. There are no carrots and almost
no sticks.
And in many cases they have
demonstrated that they care far more for the big picture than locally. In her
first year in Congress Amazon was planning to locate a new corporate headquarters
in Queens that would have provided financial growth and jobs for the people in
New York. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, then in Congress les than a month, joined
with her fellow progressives to argue the money Amazon would invest should be
invested in public services, that the tax breaks would lead to the richest
people, and would exacerbate gentrification in Queens – which is not even part
of New York that she represents. This opposition led to Amazon cancelling its
plan for the New York campus.
When she learned that she had stopped
the possibility of 2500 new jobs AOC said that she had a more concrete plan to
help New York. But Ocasio-Cortez has in fact spent precious little time in New
York during her six years in Congress. Her most famous return was when she
attended the Met Gala in 2021 wearing an organza gown that said, 'Tax The Rich'
. She has spent a fair amount of time speaking out on college campuses about
progressive issues, appearing on CNN and amassing a huge amount of followers on
social media. In the minds of many young Americans, this is what a great
representative should be and what a reformer should look like. They only think
this way I'd say because of the chaos that has been caused by so many previous
reforms.
I mention this because everything
that applied to AOC and 'The Squad' could just as easily apply to so many of
the Republicans that Rauch mentions with disdain in his essay. They could only
have come into existence because of those reforms and are as potentially destructive
to the Democratic leadership as Gingrich was when he came to power in the
1990s. And they have no use for the reforms that allowed them to come to power
in the first place, believing in an age of political individualism and with
little use for the institutions that are already frail.
The reason I mention this is
because, in those same left-wing newsletters I have received arguing what is
wrong with American politics, they frequently held up the Squad and fellow leftist
politicians as the solution to the problems. Not for them is trying to fix
a system that is broken, best to tear it down completely and start over. That
they have no idea of what that world would look like is unsettling in a way the
far right just isn't. Because they do have an idea and they've spent a
lot of time trying to realize it.
Rauch's article didn't have a
solution for today's problems but that's actually not an argument against it.
As I said he wrote this before Trump's surprise win in 2016 so he might have
assumed like so many it was a problem for the Democrats to deal with. As I said,
unlike my more alarmist colleagues I believe we are approaching a post-Trump
America and we're going to have to try and figure out how to fix things going
forward. It's only by admitting our mistakes – and more importantly, why we
might have supported them initially – that we may be able to find a way to build
a healthier democracy and government so we can figure out how history does not
repeat itself.